A few weeks ago, the former mayor of Pamplona, Cristina Ibarrola, made a remark that sparked controversy: “I would rather sweep stairs than govern with EH Bildu’s votes.” The fallout from this statement stirred strong reactions among progressive parties and sparked a broader debate about elitism and the gap between politics and everyday street life. Yet alongside that episode, another pressing issue dominated the agenda: the plight of Las Corts cleaning workers who have not received salaries for five months. Thus far, no representative assembly member in Valencia has found a remedy for their predicament.
This pattern is not new. In the Government Panel of the region, more than a year ago, workers reported they had been paid “for free” because their employer failed to pay. This is not a Valencia-exclusive problem either: cleaners in the Cortes cafeteria in Castilla y León faced the same situation with the same firm, Scorpio Group. The situation frames a broader issue of undervalued labor outsourced to private contractors.
There was a period when politics seemed ready to lift the profile of this sector and earn it public trust. The pandemic spotlighted how essential so‑called invisible jobs are to everyday life—cleaners, waste collectors, and transport workers enabled hospitals, streets, and stores to function. Their labor, often taken for granted, kept communities moving. Raquel Rodríguez, head of the UGT Cleaning sector, recalls those days and laments that this recognition has diminished as the Las Corts incident unfolded within such a symbolic institution as the Valencian Cortes.
After the health crisis, instability persists in the sector. The latest sectoral contract for cleaning in public and private buildings locks workers into near‑subsistence wages, despite months of stalemate and conflict. Salaries rose by about 10.5 percent by 2025, and some gains like agreed working days or holidays were preserved. Yet the base pay for a cleaner under a 39‑hour contract remains scarce: about 994 euros gross monthly in 2024. For those on shorter hours, e.g., 30 hours a week, salaries can drop to around 765 euros. In some hospital roles, additional monthly allowances add roughly 215 euros, and health center positions add about 112 euros, all still barely lifting workers above the poverty line when standard deductions are considered.
Even with those adjustments, the monthly earnings often stay below the legal minimum. In 2024, the minimum interprofessional wage (SMI) rose to 1,134 euros, equivalent to 15,876 euros gross per year paid across 14 months. The cleaners’ agreement with 15 monthly payments leaves many workers under the annual threshold. For those lacking seniority or other qualifying factors, employers bear the obligation to regulate the situation and bring compensation into line with law.
The risk is real. The cleaning sector is highly female, and for many workers this paycheck is the sole family income. The work is strenuous and repetitive, with carpal tunnel syndrome identified as the most common occupational hazard, underscoring the physical toll of the job and its pressing need for safety standards and fair compensation.
A vast market
Discussing the cleaning industry inevitably touches on how much it rests on public sector responsibilities, where most activity occurs. For decades, outsourcing has been the model, creating a substantial market. In the Valencia province alone, more than 22,000 people are employed by cleaning companies serving both public and private facilities. On a national scale, the sector comprises roughly 36,000 firms and 570,000 workers, accounting for about 2 percent of employment and around 1 percent of GDP.
Public contracts represent over 40 percent of the sector’s activity, spanning central government, regional authorities, and municipal councils. Beyond hospitals, schools, and government offices, tens of thousands of health centers and other public sites rely on contracted cleaning services. In 2021, nearly 8,000 public tenders for cleaning services were issued—roughly 160 per province—with a combined value near 9.6 billion. The Aspel employers’ association, representing major multi‑service groups, declined to participate in this report, as noted in its public communications.
Contractors’ stance
In conflicts like the Las Corts case, public officials often shift responsibility to the contracting company, in this instance the Scorpio Group. Employers argue that public procurement resources are insufficient and advocate policy changes. Recent requests include deindexing reforms in labor law, arguing that inflation, minimum wage hikes, and energy costs affect current contracts, and that public administrations must maintain service quality while protecting thousands of workers’ livelihoods.
There is also advocacy for relaxing adherence to existing rules or extending public contracts. Proposals call for adjusting tender criteria to balance price with quality in line with European directives, not solely favoring the lowest bid.
In these discussions, women workers are central. Despite progress achieved through collective bargaining, many still feel abandoned in the workplace. The message is clear: without cleaners, essential services fail. Raquel Rodríguez points to the pandemic as proof that cleaners are not merely backstage workers in hospitals, schools, nurseries, and government offices; they are the nerve center that keeps systems running.
Recently, twenty Las Corts cleaning staff last received payment in September. They have awaited a resolution from the chamber since then as they await a new contractor. The Las Corts facility suspended payments to its contract company, Grupo Scorpio, with a planned resolution by late January. The group states that the company will leave by the end of the month, and there is uncertainty about what happens next. Previous contracts already faced delays, and debts continue to mount. With five payrolls outstanding and no court remedy in sight, some workers have turned to social support networks for assistance as the situation remains unstable.