Chance asked for the hearing into the attacks at the Nou d’Octubre demonstration to coincide with: tenant The violence of the 28 defendants on trial of the Catalan sovereignty agenda wreaked havoc in Valencia, not in any particular year, but in the Nou d’Octubre in 2017, the year of the independence referendum (October 1, shortly before Valencia day). This explains the degree of social conflict with which the process extends beyond Catalonia and warns of possible future risks.
Spanish politics turns into a Catalan hornet’s nest after six yearsAlthough everything (almost everything) is determined in Madrid carpets.
Appointment of the Head of Government increased in importance (decreased in importance) pots) because the sovereignty debate requires the votes of Catalan and Basque nationalist MPs to ensure a majority. The current situation forms the backbone of the parties and parliamentarians in these regions.
In addition to loud declarations of amnesty and self-determination, Metallic question begins to emerge in debate. Inside soup A possible deal also includes 2024 budgets and possible historical demands such as the transfer of Rodalies to Catalonia.
The risk in this context is the invisibility of other Spains such as Catalonia, Euskadi, Galicia and Madrid. And especially the concealment of the Valencian CommunityThe worst-funded autonomy, as is already widely assumed. Invisibility means cornering some historical targets and giving priority to the demands of groups whose votes are key to the appointment.
Concepts like since 2015 ‘Valencian oasis’, The Valencian agenda or route was institutionally replicated in Spanish forums with a strategy of seeking assets. In practice, successes were poor. The risk in the current complex parliamentary equation is this: ‘Eclipse of Valencia’.
Currently, the context is conducive to transformations in the regional model, but this goal is not a transversal goal in Valencian politics. The changes will aim to increase participation and make the regions’ voices heard. A less radial and centralized Spain. This has been one of the repeated goals of the left, which governed the Valencian Community from 2015 until last May. Ximo Puig. However, the Valencian right is moving away from this “multinational Spain” advocated by the left (at least part of it) and nationalist formations.
Yes, there is an overlap in the list of the State’s historical debts to the Valencian Community (from underfunding, the bloodiest, to investments and payments for displaced healthcare workers).
What might happen regarding these problems after this investment process? So far they have not appeared at the forefront and are probably also affected by differences over the country model and the PP-PSOE conflict. The parking risk is obvious. The danger, therefore, is not only regional invisibility, but also the separation of the Valencian agenda from the main axis of resource distribution once again.
president of the Generalitat, Carlos Mazón (PP) recognized the risk in an interview with Prensa Ibérica last Sunday. His proposal is a heroic attempt to “Valenciate” Spain, in the sense of conveying a “sincere” recipe for autonomy that is beyond demand, unaware of ruptures, and focused on economic growth.
Beyond explanations Valencian politics fell apart at the final stage of the appointment. tied to the headquarters of the major parties and without a collective strategy. At least until now.