Until now, he did not fit the stereotype of angry veterans who routinely protested everything they saw and heard, lamenting that the world kept turning without their supposedly indispensable input. Yet examining the leaked draft of the censorship speech suggests a portrait of the author behind the famous “Economic Theory of Spain.” For some time, he had been muttering in corners, letting protests be heard, at least to a limited degree.
Viewed through a VOX-mediated lens by a trusted associate, Sanchez Drago, the idea emerges that manipulation of his prestige and popularity is not the driving force but the realization that the Spanish downturn could be addressed most effectively if he is the one to point out the path. The figure, an ex-communist, had already stepped beyond the ethical boundaries of apostasy when, after Tierno’s death and while leading the IU councillors group at Madrid City Council, he displaced the socialist Juan Barranco to install Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún of the suarista CDS. This is a complex history, and at times it runs counter to what Tames had previously advocated.
In a thoughtful interview signed by Juan Cruz in El Periódico de España, Tames reportedly explained that he was not merely preparing a meeting but offering an opinion. The technical forecast stirred curiosity among readers, yet a lack of care allowed the text to circulate early, undermining the element of surprise. Moreover, the older, broader critique of the left—supported by a blend of right and wrong—appears as a long-standing, sometimes blunt perspective. A speech attributed to Nacho Escolar, as reported byeldiario.es, spans thirty-one episodes and may echo an eighties cadence in its language and themes. It is dense with riddles, anachronisms, and inaccuracies that invite scrutiny.
One striking instance concerns the claim of guaranteed legality. The document argues that current distrust stems from unmet expectations among photovoltaic investors—tens of thousands of Spanish households—who invested under state conditions and then saw wages cut, triggering a wave of lawsuits that remain unresolved. In reality, renewable energy incentives began around 2010 under Zapatero, and the regulatory framework was still adjusting to the severity of the crisis. The major overhaul occurred in 2014 under Rajoy, which dramatically altered profitability. The question remains: what does this have to do with resignation?
Another topic where the document appears to diverge concerns the premise of a judiciary dominated by the executive. While some observers cite statements from the Community of Madrid adviser judge Enrique López about alignment between the majority of judges and the PP, many would agree that the core problem lies in the prolonged stalemate at the General Assembly of the Judiciary. The non-renewal of the body in charge of the judiciary has dragged on for years, and attributing that gridlock to the government would be an unsettling mischaracterization.
Reading the speech in full, which would take roughly two hours to deliver, leaves the reader with a sense of outdated analysis and a vision that has not kept pace with the modernization of recent decades. Towards the end, the document briefly mentions the European Union while almost ignoring the wider context, suggesting that Spain should present a bold offer to Brussels that echoes a historic period under Felipe González. In short, if this draft is read by those it targets, it may fulfill its purpose of provoking reflection, while also inviting criticism of the Vox leadership and the broader system that has seen upheaval over the past two decades.