It’s tempting to imagine Putin looking to the western lands, mourning the outcome of France, and with it writing “Congratulate Abascal and Feijóo on our victory in the legendary Castile”. I don’t know, maybe I shouldn’t write this because it’s all too easy to abuse the sinister patronage of Moscow’s strongman. But on the other hand, no matter how hard I try, I can’t help but think that the idea isn’t too far from reality: Putin is dealing with these things, tearing apart Europe that still sums up certain values. PP has become a little more cosmopolitan and Winner in France: They are from Macron. The problem is they want to be Macron’s and Le Pen’s at the same time. And Le Pen’s relatively good results, the fear that the second round created in Europe, is necessary to build a strong image of Vox, the only ally PP has – and vice versa. My friends’ friends are my friends. Maybe Feijóo doesn’t like them, but they’ll get along by sharing desserts at all parties. And probably, if they don’t get smart, if they aren’t willing to give up something to gain enough, there will be more and more of these dark little friends and serious representatives of priestly conservatism and the frightened upper middle classes. , less.
This conservative right issue: that if he goes further to the right, he will not be able to come to power unless he joins hands with someone from another right, solvent, denier, smug, misogynist, violent in his symbolic imagination. Conservatism relentlessly repeats the historical mistakes of its Central European ancestors: believing that the far-right is a companion animal, a pet that can be commanded when it contributes to the displacement of the rebellious left. Feijóo will be called Maricomplejines if he is careless, not applauding the more powerful others beating the communists – and for united rights, almost everyone is already known to be a communist. By this I do not mean that this far-right is the same as Nazi or fascist, but that the stated principle is cross: it is not an inevitable law of history, but the logical consequence of a misreading of reality and reality. the dire consequence of not properly aligning willpower, intelligence, and perception of what is possible.
Polls look good for Feijóo: he none that moment. Today, destroying systems, weakening all thought, all militancy and all strategy, the fans manage to pilot a newly arrived shooting star for several weeks. But the same polls continue to warn repeatedly that Feijóo will only use this second-degree advantage with an enthusiastic and naturally insulting Vox. Vox laundering is not a hypothesis. We are at another stage: PP has already implemented it, but therefore the whitewashed grave will appreciate more at each call, but on the contrary, it will raise the bet, charge a higher fee.
It is a pathetic sight to see an hour later a calm and pragmatic politician, Mañueco, transformed into a president Pulcinella, clinging to the ropes of those who want to put an end to the autonomous State itself: watch out for this retired man. Married, promising us wonderful afternoons playing Don Tancredo. This week, in a class, I asked my students what they thought of the State of Autonomy: none of those involved in the impromptu discussion criticized it, none said it was good because of identity, some emphasized its usefulness. , all said, is a reinforcement of democracy by distributing power. It’s a beautiful lesson that politicians of all colors should appreciate. Mañueco is already at the top of the list.
I am not unaware of the mistakes of the left, which has accumulated with enormous effort, entered one of its phases of dimming on the moon, gradually forgetting what it learned in the last opposition. But it wouldn’t be fair to equate the absurdity and stubbornness that alienate progressives from the social sectors they claim to act in, and the fierce curvature of a hysterical right wing with anger, nostalgia away from the sources of power. for the past they had to restore with their chest hair patriotism. In the midst of a rapidly changing landscape, the left, frightened by anger, begins to wander around like a headless chicken, chanting a slogan every day, refusing to rethink itself. This inactivity causes the death of the system declared in France. Maybe the system doesn’t matter, but indulge it with permanent reforms until another almost better system comes along: luxury anarcho-capitalism is very, very bad.
Because what is on the operating table is not a vigorous body that needs a touch-up here and wax there. What lies there is democracy as we know it, open to prying eyes and systemic doubts, dying of boredom. What exists are improvised and useless politicians—uselessness is another form of corruption—not invented for doctrinal consumption. The fact that democracy does not develop and rise is enough for their rights and bloodhounds. The Left must also re-imagine what reforms are necessary and feasible without helping cynical dissidents raise their preferred flags. We say that there is more time in the hours of optimism. Maybe not so much, we think in pessimistic moments. The web of interdependencies is such that the web of causes is so complex that it encourages us to vacillate between sadness and the hope that other ways of constructing politics will emerge.
Otherwise, the left, who romantically likes to give up on foggy nights of love, will happily whisper at her dare: “We’ll always have Paris!”, celebrating some new friendships. The pithy and imperial others will be content to grumble, “We’ll always have Valladolid.” But we already know what Miguel Delibes said: “Madrid scares me because if Valladolid looks like one big parking lot to me, Madrid looks like five times that parking lot to me”.