Alexander Toledo arrived in Peru in a staggering fashion, his body marked by defeat. He was sent back to the United States after nearly five years of legal wrangling. Known as “Cholo,” he will spend 18 months in a Peruvian prison by court order, likely stepping into Barbadillo prison in the Ate district, roughly 40 kilometers from Lima, within hours. The scene underscores a moment when Peru’s institutions appear strained. Toledo is not the first former president to end up behind bars. Three decades earlier, Alberto Fujimori, an autocrat, endured a lengthy prison sentence for crimes against humanity. The same fate has, at times, been used as a form of preventive detention. Pedro Castillo, democratically elected, remains the most recent president to be removed from office by Congress last year.
That three executive offices are held behind bars signals more than a political oddity in Peru. The former president’s court appearance marks a recurring pattern, echoed by earlier figures who faced detention. Ollanta Humala, in 2000, while a lieutenant in the army, took up arms in opposition to Fujimori.
A group of supporters gathered outside the prison, insisting on Toledo’s innocence. Toledo had built a political base through consensus-driven leadership and once led the opposition against Fujimori in 2000, taking office in 2001 amid public enthusiasm that quickly faded as investigations unfolded. Allegations emerged of a payment scheme tied to the Odebrecht group, involving roughly $35 million in exchange for concessions on an Interoceanic highway project.
“It’s up to me to keep the blame and prove that Alejandro Toledo is guilty,” said prosecutor José Domingo Pérez, who confronted the former president at the headquarters of the National Air Police Directorate at Jorge Chávez airport. He added that the outcome would reflect the country’s justice system, noting that the Special Branch, led by prosecutor José Vela Barba, has conducted its work with order and responsibility.
Prosecutor José Domingo Pérez arrived at the National Supreme Court to participate in the identity verification hearing of Alejandro Toledo. A member of the Lava Jato special team is tasked with questioning the former president. @politica_ECpe pic.twitter.com/jlZSuMZn7t
— Victor Reyes Parra (@nekroRP) 23 April 2023
reflections
The former head of Peru’s Possible party surrendered to U.S. justice last Friday after a lengthy process marked by evasion and legal maneuvering that carried a certain roguish charm. Editorials argued that Toledo’s presence before the court should disclose and deter corrupt practices, calling for accountability to set a clear example. A Sunday editorial in La República emphasized the need for a legal framework to expose wrongdoing and impose consequences for those who profit from illegal payments.
As observers noted, Peru has a history of leaders who rallied supporters with lofty narratives only to confront legal scrutiny later. Federico Salazar, a columnist for El Comercio in Lima, drew a parallel between subsequent fates. He reflected on how indigenous and peasant figures once captivated the nation with symbolic acts, yet disappointments followed. The narrative connected Toledo with Castillo, contrasting a humble origin story with political outcomes that did not always match the idealized beginnings.
institutional weakness
The pattern extends beyond these individuals. Since the Fujimori era, presidents elected to govern from Peru’s Palacio de Pizarro have faced multiple legal challenges. Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, associated with the era’s political dynamics, served briefly in 2016–2018 before resigning to avoid impeachment, amid investigations into campaign contributions. Alan García, Fujimori’s rival in the 2001 election, faced a devastating political arc that culminated in his suicide as authorities closed in. These episodes underscore a broader, ongoing fragility in Peru’s political-judicial system.
On Toledo’s arrival, Dina Boluarte, the head of social security, joined a government with several ministers and legal officials, highlighting the tight line between governance and legal scrutiny. Reports from the Hildebrandt en sus trece portal indicate that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is preparing to announce conclusions on the suppression of protests under the interim government, with possible implications for how force is used and how accountability is enforced. This developing assessment could influence the political climate and the balance of power as the interim administration faces challenges on multiple fronts.