The presidency faced sharp criticism on Monday as calls for accountability grew louder. Observers noted ongoing speculation about Martin Schirdewan and the eastern momentum that keeps Die Linke, the Left, in the Bundestag only through regional strength. After a weak electoral performance in 2021, when the party slid to 4.9 percent, its parliamentary presence has hung by a thread, relying on a handful of district wins to meet the electoral threshold rather than broad nationwide support. This dynamic has echoed in the leadership’s history, including the era led by Gregor Gysi.
The party’s most consequential fracture appeared last Friday with Sahra Wagenknecht announcing she would not run again under Die Linke. Her departure signals a potential realignment within the left, as Wagenknecht has long been associated with a pragmatic, pro-Russia stance that some party leaders have sought to distance themselves from. Critics point to policy positions that at times flirt with ideas favored by far-right movements, including the Alternative for Germany (AfD). The debate isn’t only about positions on Vladimir Putin; it touches on humanitarian choices seen during the 2015 refugee crisis when Germany opened its doors to nearly a million people in need.
In February, Wagenknecht organized a Peace March with Alice Schwarzer, a veteran feminist figure in Germany who has shifted toward more conservative views. The demonstration drew tens of thousands of ordinary citizens to the area around the Brandenburg Gate, featuring discussions about arming Ukraine and flags seen as pro-Russia. While far-right groups mingled with some march participants, Die Linke’s leadership insisted there was no official link to the event.
alarm signal
The organizers on stage included Wagenknecht, now 53, and Schwarzer, aged 79, joined by other notable figures. The event also highlighted the return of veteran politician Oscar Lafontaine, 79, co-founder of Die Linke in 2005 alongside Gysi.
The march represented more than a show of concern for party insiders. Lafontaine had left his Die Linke membership in March of the previous year, shortly after the Russian invasion began. He argued that Die Linke had strayed from its core goals of social balance and security. He contended that the party’s stance on disarmament and pacifism had weakened, and he did not support a rearmament path embraced by Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Lafontaine’s critique was rooted in a lifelong belief in a more pacifist approach, one he felt the current leadership had abandoned.
That rupture marked Lafontaine’s second major political split. The first occurred in 1999 when he resigned twice as head of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and as finance minister, following a government shift under Gerhard Schröder’s red-green coalition.
political showdown
The departure from the SPD created a new line of conflict within the left-leaning camp, a clash that carried a strong masculine undertone between Schröder’s centrism and the party’s more socialist core. The split shaped the formation of the post-communist Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS), which faced scrutiny from the broader parliamentary spectrum and was viewed by some as an heir to the old East German regime.
Over time, Die Linke solidified its role as a regional power broker, particularly in eastern Germany and Berlin, and even served as a coalition partner in several state governments. In Thuringia, Bodo Ramelow led a regional government that showcased Die Linke’s potential to influence governance from the left. Wagenknecht’s relationship with Lafontaine—who married Wagenknecht in 2014—also drew attention when she met with leaders from all wings of the party and even with figures from the AfD’s most radical faction, sparking debate about strategic alliances.