Yemen remains one of the world’s poorest nations, with a population around 30 million and a GDP per capita of roughly 700 euros per year, a stark contrast to Spain’s 30,000 euros. Since 2014, a conflict has claimed more than 377,000 lives, the vast majority civilians, according to the latest United Nations estimates. In this context, the actions of Yemeni Houthi rebels raise questions about their role in the broader instability, particularly as they target ships moving through the Red Sea in solidarity with Gaza.
The roots of the crisis are broad and multifaceted, shaped by a mix of ideological aims and strategic interests. The first clue may be found in the Houthi rebellion itself and its political history, but the larger picture includes regional dynamics, sectarian currents, and international involvement. The war song associated with the Houthis, known as Sarja, includes the refrain Allah is great, death to America, death to Israel, curse on the Jews, and victory of Islam. This chant emerged after the 2003 Anglo-British invasion of Iraq and has traveled through the movement’s rhetoric since then.
The Palestine issue plays a central role for the Houthis. It is not merely a distant cause but a defining narrative they weave into their identity and strategic messaging. In 2009, there was widespread Yemeni sympathy for Palestinian concerns, and contemporary observers note a continuing mobilization around this cause. Leyla Hamad, a Yemen expert and author of Yemen. The Forgotten Key to the Arab World, explains that while anti-Israeli sentiment helps the Houthis gain sympathy, their broader strategy also aims to position themselves as a force capable of shaping regional security and diplomacy. The attack on Red Sea shipping serves to amplify their presence and leverage in regional talks, using the Palestinian issue to bolster their standing among other Arab actors who have often been slow to respond.
The Houthis are a Zaydi Shia militia originating in Yemen. Formed in the 1990s to challenge corruption under then-president Ali Abdullah Saleh, they derive their name from Hussein al-Houthi, though they describe themselves as Supporters of God. The movement has developed ties with Hamas and has reportedly received weapons and training from Hezbollah in Lebanon. The United States and Israel have described links with Iran, noting shared religious affiliation and ongoing arms support, though Tehran has denied direct involvement. The narrative around these connections shapes the international perception of the conflict and its broader regional repercussions.
long civil war
In 2014, the Houthis rose up against President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, triggering a civil war that left large portions of Yemen under Houthi control, including the capital, Sanaa. Saudi Arabia, supported by a coalition including the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, intervened with the aim of restoring Hadi’s government, but the effort has struggled to achieve lasting results. A fragile ceasefire emerged in 2022, with direct talks between the rebel authorities in Sanaa and the Saudi government in Riyadh. On December 23, the parties agreed to a ceasefire and negotiations under United Nations auspices, a process accelerated by a broader pattern of rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran, mediated by China.
Attacks in the Red Sea
Beginning in November, the Houthis intensified strikes against vessels they perceive as connected to Israel, particularly those destined for Israeli ports or associated with the Jewish state. Dozens of attacks with missiles or drones occurred, and a high-profile seizure of a ship’s crew highlighted the group’s willingness to escalate. In solidarity with Gaza, the movement has asserted its stance while challenging the security of global trade routes. The major shipping lines and energy interests briefly curtailed sailings through critical chokepoints like the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait as the Red Sea became a focal point of risk and negotiation.
International efforts to deter the Houthis have faced mixed results. The United States, along with partners such as the United Kingdom and France, has pursued a diplomatic and, in some cases, limited military response, but a comprehensive solution remains elusive. Leyla Hamad notes that the silence from Riyadh and the Yemeni government in Aden about ongoing attacks raises concerns that the Red Sea crisis could derail the long-sought peace agreement that could end the nine-year conflict. By intensifying pressure, the Houthis gain leverage in negotiations and elevate themselves as a consequential regional actor rather than merely a rebel faction.
There are indications that the Houthis have engaged directly with Riyadh, signaling a recognition by the parties of their influence in the conflict. The possibility of a federal arrangement that includes territories under Houthi control is discussed as a potential outcome of peace talks. The central question now is how the Houthis will respond to shifting international dynamics. Will they maintain pressure on maritime routes even as a peace process advances? Or could a broader international mission, possibly led by Washington, constrain their actions beyond current defensive measures, potentially altering regional balance and the course of negotiations?
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