Javier Milei expresses a strong aversion to the state, even calling it a “criminal organization” and labeling tax evaders as heroes. This stance has been evident during his time in office. Public subsidies also trigger his opposition, a critical stance echoed by a far‑right administration that applies it without discrimination. In the mix of anti‑state sentiment, other feelings surface: his father, Norberto, built wealth with early century support from two Peronist governments, Eduardo Duhalde and, notably, Néstor Kirchner.
Milei’s father had ownership stakes and later served as manager of a fleet of buses that crisscross Buenos Aires. Thousands depend on the services of the so‑called collective buses 21, 31, 108, and 146, unaware that their rides are shadowed by a family history that rose from the countryside to the top of power in this country.
“My father started as a bus driver. The bus owner allowed him to work on holidays, and my mother would bring a thermos of coffee,” the libertarian leader explained, describing the origins of the paternal fortune as a product of personal effort. Don Beto, a man accused of mistreatment by a biographer, later served as president and majority shareholder of Rocaraza SA and Teniente General Roca S, both of which owned substantial fleets. The centers of transport and subsidies coexisted with a broader network of influence. The Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism CLIP, in coordination with La Nación and EldiarioAR, reported that the Transportation Secretariat directed some 33 million dollars to those companies as subsidies. These funds helped lower fares for riders without significant concessions on service quality. Ricardo Jaime, then transport secretary, emerged as a controversial figure marked by corruption allegations. He acted as the key interlocutor for the companies to secure state support.
Growth from subsidies provided relief to those transport firms and other sectors facing serious financing and debt pressures amid the deep crisis of 2001. The economic collapse was so severe that the state stepped in to support much of the productive and service sectors. Norberto Milei shed his stake as the subsidies strengthened the involved enterprises. The former driver later pursued ventures in other areas, including agriculture. He had enough resources to purchase a 150‑square‑meter apartment for Karina Milei in a sought‑after northern suburb of Buenos Aires. The current general secretary of the Presidency, who is also one of the country’s most influential figures, appears with her parents in Alkary Investments, an overseas real estate investment firm that operated from 2018 to 2022. The deal led to a legal dispute over mortgage debts in the family’s name.
Unlike his sister, the libertarian never maintained financial ties with his father for extended periods. When his public profile rose, he even claimed his sister did not exist, as if she had died. A biographer attributes to the sister the role of a mediator capable of bridging the gap between them. The libertarian has refrained from expressing affection toward his father, even when present at a ceremony to receive formal duties. He attends some public events with his wife, Alicia Lucich, alongside his son’s activities, but the emotional gulf remains unhealed. In a recent public appearance, the president looked his father in the eyes and asked, “What are you doing with your business?”—a moment noticed by the press for the unresolved past grievances.