Summer gives no truce to Argentina president Alberto Fernandez. World Cup enthusiasm and the illusion of a country united around the colors of the national team gave way to anger at the end of 2022. At the start of the new year, the Fernández government embarks on a mission that promises to fail: andImpeachment lawsuit against party members Supreme Court. An alliance of different Peronist factions known as Frente de Todos proposes a crusade involving the entire Argentine judiciary, but specifically against its president. Horace Rosati, a Peronist judge as well as the president, but observed by the Government as the mainstay of the process of destabilizing the Executive. Fernández wants Rosatti’s possible poor performance in a role he controversially assumed to be investigated, first by entering the Supreme Court by a decree from former President Mauricio Macri and then voting himself as president of the highest court. Fernández’s decision to try him is literally a response to a Supreme Court opinion in favor of the city of Buenos Aires, which is in a dispute with the Nation over the distribution of federal funds and is led by the right-wing opposition. The reason for the impeachment for the current president lies in the “unusual interpretations of case law” that allow the Supreme Court to “interfere with the decisions of the National Congress”.
Presidency aim seems doomed to stumble. Although in principle Fernández had the support of 12 out of 23 state governors, it didn’t take long for some disagreements to emerge. Main support for the presidential campaign comes from the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina’s largest economic and electoral district, led by Axel Kicillof. The young economist, who is very close to Vice President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, believes the Supreme Court has overcome the separation of powers in an unprecedented way. This right-wing opposition arguing to the contrary, he appeals to the same argument: it is the executive branch that is responsible for the institutional crisis. “Kirchnerism’s only plan is the goal of impunity,” said MP Maximiliano Ferraro. In the first week of December, Fernández de Kirchner was sentenced to six years in prison in a case that, according to the vice president, staged his authority “”.parallel state“Who’s in charge of the judiciary?
A long-running feud
Lawyer Fernández, the son of a former judge, said during the election campaign that declared himself president in 2019, “judicial family“He has not ceased to criticize the Supreme Court and advocate for system reform. But when he came to the Government, he did little or nothing of what he promised, even though he had a majority in both houses of Congress. Since December 2021, the ruling party has been in a minority in the legislature, This makes it very difficult for the House of Representatives to open the door to discuss Rosattti’s presidential petition to impeach. Peronism does not have enough votes, two-thirds, to approve this action.
The ruling party, knowingly, decided to submit the demand, claiming that “a State Power” had decided on its basis.arbitrarilyBy occupying the exclusive and exclusive jurisdiction of other powers, it thus breaks the “fundamental pillars on which a republican system rests, powers and powers”.
Espionage and collusion
The official formation, in addition to referring to the controversial opinion in favor of the city of Buenos Aires, Telegram message leak including a close friend of Rosatti and the capital’s Minister of Justice and Security, Marcelo D’Alessandro. These communications were preceded by others of the same content for Kirchnerism, who did nothing more than confirm their leader’s hypothesis by showing the network between judges, ex-spies and Grupo Clarín, owner of Argentina’s largest circulation newspaper. D’Alessandro’s name appears on both chat sets, bringing him to the brink of resignation. The minister figure has become an unexpected burden for Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, the capital’s mayor and the main opposition candidate in October’s presidential election.
The parliamentary debate around political trial has one precondition that may not be met: Fernández must sign a decree calling for extraordinary sessions of a legislature, which is in recess until March 1. The lack of open channels between Peronism and the opposition makes this possibility uncertain. Beyond its relative success or resounding failure, the government’s initiative shows how tense Argentine political life will be in a new era. election year.