Miquel Ramos, born in Valencia in 1979, is a journalist who concentrates on social movements, especially those on the far right and hate speech, including crimes tied to these phenomena. He has contributed to multiple collective works exploring human rights and vulnerable groups such as immigrants and LGTBI communities, and collaborates with various media outlets. This year he released antifascists. This is how the far right has fought since the 90s, published by Capitán Swing, with the Valencian edition presented recently in Alcoy at Antifeixistes. Així es va batre l’extrema dreta des dels ans 90.
In the book, he notes that after Franco’s death the far right briefly faded, only to reappear a few years later. What happened?
During the dictatorship and the transition, a far right closely tied to the Franco regime faded as democracy consolidated. But from the 1980s a new far right began to emerge, bearing similarities to trends seen elsewhere in Europe, including skinheads and, often, football ultras.
Why did this surge take hold in football clubs?
Clubs tolerated these groups, providing a space where they could operate openly. Ultras did not retreat; clubs allowed their presence. Even in 2022, ultras remained a fixture on many fields, despite having surged most notably in the 1990s.
How was that explosion reflected during that era?
It was the period when Lucrecia Pérez (1992), Guillem Agulló (1993), Sonia Rescalvo, a transgender woman beaten to death in Barcelona in 1991, and Aitor Zabaleta (a Real Sociedad supporter murdered in Madrid in 1998) became emblematic. The ultra football world persisted in many forms, with victims suffering violence that drew public attention and drew some people toward these groups.
Football clubs let the ultras be there. And they remain in the arenas in 2022
And why didn’t authorities confront this rise head-on?
The issue did not threaten the status quo. The focus tended to target the vulnerable rather than the privileged, making it easier to dismiss as a public order nuisance or gang trouble rather than a political problem. When anti-fascist movements pressed back, some steps were taken, but they were framed as public order concerns rather than a broader political challenge.
The murder of Lucrecia Pérez, whose 30th anniversary just passed, is cited as a turning point for social awareness about hate crimes. Is that accurate?
Yes. Pérez’s death awakened many and shed light on racism and its consequences. Yet, after the initial shock, concrete action was limited. In cases like Aitor Zabaleta’s, responses were downplayed, framing it as football violence rather than a targeted attack by an ultra group—allowing the movement to grow behind the scenes.
Does treating this as a public order problem obscure its true nature?
Absolutely. The narrative that blames the victim helps the aggressor. It undermines human rights and assists a rise in far-right influence, echoing historical patterns where a false egalitarian rhetoric masked darker ambitions. The 1930s era horror showed how such ideas can escalate into atrocities when normalised as a clash of ordinary people rather than organized hate.
What happens when far-right parties gain seats in institutions?
They wield verbal aggression that inflicts real harm even without physical violence. They signal and incite hatred, and if they gain the power to shape laws, they threaten democracy by eroding human rights. Yet political establishments often treated their entry as a normal development, despite the danger it posed.
Is hate speech the seed of hate crimes?
Indeed. Hate speech fuels hate crimes, driven by racists, homophobes, and sexists, but also by those who do not present as obvious extremists. The fault often lies with societal inequality and the messages that blame the less fortunate, a social Darwinism that breeds violence.
What should institutions do in response to this?
The right benefits from maintaining the status quo, so expectations for wholesale change are low. Institutions must safeguard human rights, but even with a left-leaning government, progress can stall. The question remains what can be expected from authorities after recent events at the Melilla border fence.