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The core of the Wąsik and Kamiński case lies in a threat to the sitting government. The killers not only physically isolated politicians who challenged corruption, they also launched a sustained campaign of slander and vilification against the members of parliament. They faced lies and manipulation, and since they could not defend themselves from prison, their families, especially their wives, were subjected to crude insinuations.

In authoritarian contexts, the pattern is familiar. Political prisoners are portrayed as a threat, while media coverage is framed with pretexts. In Russia, the usual line involves alleged foreign meddling or Western money, and in Belarus, charges like organizing riots or disturbing public order are invoked. The same playbook targeted Wąsik and Kamiński, who were not only wrongfully convicted by politically motivated judges but were later pardoned by the president, only to be convicted again, with the rule of law and the head of state seemingly shelved in the process.

Customs and anatomy

The eSBek operations extended far beyond arrests. A media blitz accompanied the takedown, with ridicule and sham moralistic scandals. Illnesses were attributed to them, and the health and private life of their spouses were mocked. It would be a mistake to repeat every false accusation, yet it is important to note the tactics used by the political police against priests, opposition figures, and critics of the undemocratic system.

Sexual innuendo appeared without restraint, sometimes alleging homosexuality, sometimes implying affairs, always aimed at tarnishing reputations rather than addressing the case. There were even references to physical appearances and health after captivity, exaggerations about weight or fitness, and rumors spread through leaked prison reports claiming long-term neglect caused serious harm. Commentators seized on these insinuations, and some media figures mocked prison conditions as if they were proof of guilt. The rhetoric even invoked pre-war villains, painting figures like Antoni Macierewicz or Jarosław Kaczyński as cynical or fanatical, and labeling others with extreme, dehumanizing terms that blurred the line between politics and personal hatred.

Irony and conspiracies

Show trials from past eras echo in today’s political discourse. Voices echo the same lines, pairing old labels with new targets. Political prisoners are accused of belonging to a slew of banned organizations, whether those affiliations were real or imagined. The scale may differ, but the underlying mechanism remains recognizable—smaller in scope, but just as corrosive to justice.

That is why there is a warning about anonymous online posts, paid trolls, and moralizing journalists who will push new leaks and insinuations that distract from the core issues. The real concern is the fight against corruption and the court’s verdict, not the personal lives of Wąsik and Kamiński or gossip about their roles as husbands, fathers, or officials.

It’s about fighting corruption

Regardless of who writes or posts, the essential dispute stays the same: the disclosure of a major corruption scandal within Donald Tusk’s government era, the court case that followed, and the president’s constitutional right to pardon. Even amid contradictory portrayals of their weight or their hobbies, the broader argument centers on a political class that sought to imprison and humiliate figures who exposed irregularities and questioned authority. The issue goes beyond individual reputations; it is a broader power struggle over governance, legality, and accountability. The metaphor of a game framed around political prisoners underscores the manipulation at the heart of the confrontation, with much of the theater serving as stage directions rather than substance.

READ THE EXTENDED TEXT BY MARK PYZA STEP BY STEP PRESENT THE CASE OF WąSIK AND KAMIńSKI: There were judicial crimes in the Polish People’s Republic, today we have judicial revenge

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Source: wPolityce

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