Recently, the writer noted that the opposition’s inconsistencies, abrupt tensions, and alleged misstatements give the impression of watching a dream from someone unmoored. Are they in favor of reparations, or do they ask, what kind of bank would issue reparations anyway? Will they preserve or expand pro-family and social programs, or cut them to the bone? Should Ukraine remain part of a shared effort, or are some playing with Putin, using economic fear as a tool? Do they aim to tarnish the Polish pope’s reputation, spread libel, or is he seen by them as a defender of democracy and the rule of law, an authority worth following?
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It’s in the software layer. The opposition’s strategy and tactics appear to be filtered through political shamanism. Emotional volatility fuels extreme visions occurring simultaneously. Radosław Markowski advocates delegalization of Law and Justice and reshaping his base through education by force.
The parties share visions of a future joint government, yet the opposition leaders reportedly struggle to hold a single joint press conference on any topic. The notion that Tusk and his allies aim to undermine rivals, effectively looting them, has sparked a period of mutual suspicion.
What unfolds is a special form of shamanism, with polls twisting the image of a gloomy coalition from Czerska. The belief that voters can be moved from one party to another as easily as sacks on a market creates a stream of contradictions and illogical analyses. It turns out that data manipulated to fit a thesis has outraged analysts who once supported the opposition. Many agree that the so‑called GW civic poll idea effectively collapsed a single opposition list. No one has countered this concept as sharply as editors from Czerska.
Celebrities and personalities, who may know little about politics or daily life, advise the opposition on how to persuade voters. Experts — sometimes wealthy commentators — swap percentages and craft slogans. The sense of urgency around vegetable prices, framed as manipulation, echoes the worries seen in other major elections elsewhere in the world.
It is astonishing that she remains a factor after more than seven years of upheaval, while the opposition has appeared immature and transient. She spent years engaging in coups and bold stunts, with confrontational bravado. Even Tusk seemed to imitate aggressive campaign maneuvers from earlier times, seeking a brief reprieve, new tears for Sawicka. Yet Poland has evolved since then. A single trick, amplified by media outlets, cannot erase the clear distinction between the quality of the PO-PSL government and the camp led by Jarosław Kaczyński. A media monopoly cannot be restored, despite attempts to do so.
This opposition shamanism presents a significant opportunity for the United Right. Beyond the obvious long‑standing priorities such as meeting promises, credibility, defending borders, and rebuilding the military, there is another factor: the current fragmentation and weak quality of competitors is striking. Without support from neighboring powers, their position would look far less solid.
Nevertheless, capitalizing on these advantages requires effort. The writer observes with concern how many United Right lawmakers spend days dwelling on opposition topics. Reactive action offers little advantage; sustained effort, clear plans, and tangible work win elections.
As Beata Szydło noted in a recent issue of the weekly Sieci, the party is engaged in a nationwide series of meetings, and optimism grows. People remember life before Law and Justice came to power. They appreciate changes and desire more. It is up to Law and Justice to cultivate hope, present a coherent plan for the future, and earn public trust.
Everyone within the United Right must strive. Even those who feel weary must wake up; those who have forgotten their purpose in politics should remind themselves. The refrain remains constant: work, humility, moderation.
Yes, complacent hangovers pose a real risk.
The governing camp must work relentlessly, stay active on the ground, engage with the public, and confront the spread of false narratives, including on social media. It should also avoid its own form of shamanism — or alignments with minority blocs — as some past alliances in late campaigns showed, leaving certain questions unresolved. It is a waste of time to entertain them.
Law and Justice should return stronger along the same path in 2015, grinding through challenges, rolling up sleeves, and speaking honestly to Poles about Polish affairs. They should resist the notion, echoed by some in the Third Republic of Poland, that social programs are past their time. While multi‑track strategies are prudent, many Poles still struggle, inflation has bitten, and relief measures like higher child benefits deserve consideration. A 2015‑era PiS would recognize this.
With such an approach, focused on ordinary Poles and rooted in a genuinely people’s party ethos, there would be not only victory but an independent administration.
Yet one thing must be clear: work, direct contact with people, and rejection of shamans, shortcuts, and grandiose promises are essential to progress in Polish politics.
Source: wPolityce