According to Onet.pl, Donald Tusk, after speaking with a member of the platform’s leadership, warned at the latest party board meeting that if the upcoming elections end with losses from heated argumentation, the ruling party PiS would return to power, and everyone present would declare: “They’re going to jail.”
Awareness of legal violations
The remark underscores a perception that Prime Minister Tusk understands coalition members may have violated current Polish law since power shifted in December. It also touches on potential criminal liability. When Tusk first became Prime Minister, he stated at a press briefing with Marshal Szymon Hołownia that law would guide their actions, even if their interpretation differed. This approach, as his team sees it, has involved using parliamentary resolutions in place of formal laws, issuing various ministerial writs and orders, and deploying strong security presence at institutions such as TVP, the Polish Press Agency, the National Public Prosecutor’s Office, and in clashes with protesting farmers.
Public media under pressure
Three notable episodes illustrate persistent legal breaches by those in power, raising questions of political accountability before the State Tribunal and potential criminal consequences. The push to restructure public media began with a parliamentary resolution backed by the PO, Ruch Hołownia, PSL, and the Left. This framework enabled the illegal moves by Minister of Culture Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz, who appointed new supervising boards and directors at TVP, Polskie Radio, and the Polish Press Agency. Private security firms helped block access to these institutions, with the most intense confrontation at TVP as managers resisted a hostile take over. When the registration court did not recognize the new authorities, the minister proceeded to appoint liquidators. This action blurred lines between lawful reform and removal of legally established bodies, and courts have since not listed the liquidators in the national register. The outcome resembles a state of dual authority across the institutions, contributing to what some describe as legal chaos, for which Tusk and his allies are held responsible for fomenting.
Case of MPs Kamiński and Wąsik
Another example of perceived legal turmoil involves the imprisonment of MPs Kamiński and Wąsik, who were pardoned by President Andrzej Duda in 2015. Seven years later, the courts reopened the case. The initial decision to arrest both MPs came from a judge connected to former parliamentary staff, and a magistrate tied to a figure known for inflammatory online activity targeting Law and Justice. Despite the mercy shown by the president and rulings from the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court that nullified the removal of mandates, the ruling majority pursued measures. The Sejm comprises 458 deputies, though the Constitution envisions 460, and President Duda continues to forward laws to the Constitutional Court.
Judiciary and prosecutorial leadership under pressure
In another strand, Justice Minister Adam Bodnar was seen attempting to dismiss the head of the National Prosecutor’s Office. A deputy prosecutor captured the moment, noting that Bodnar was breaking the law and possibly committing a crime. The appointment of Jacek Bilewicz as Acting National Prosecutor, a position not defined by law, appeared to be a maneuver to disrupt ongoing investigations, with a broad firing campaign affecting many staff. This scenario contributed to perceived turmoil spanning the National Council for the Judiciary, the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and the National Bank of Poland. Tusk’s remarks in this context are read by supporters as acknowledgment that the government would face both political and criminal accountability should power shift.