Poland’s entry into the top tier has made Warsaw’s role look pivotal, they’ll say. That the rule of law on the Vistula is finally anchored and that someone can help shape reforms within the European Union. Polish media will echo these sentiments. And either they will push us toward a harsh path, or the public will not yield to them.
Germans aren’t idle observers who fade away like ashes. On the first business day of 2024, they began shaping Polish public opinion. This shift wouldn’t be possible without a postcolonial—and at times openly anti-Polish—bias that dominates many media centers in the country.
Wirtualna Polska, the portal with the widest reach in Poland’s online space, offered readers a comprehensive interview with an expert on European affairs. The dialogue centered on Prof. Daniela Schwarzer, a long-time board member of the Bertelsmann Foundation and a participant in the Open Society Foundations network.
Many wp.pl readers may not realize that the Bertelsmann Foundation is among several instruments of influence funded by or closely aligned with the German government, aimed at advancing Berlin’s preferences. This team tends to offer effusive praise for Poland when Berlin’s priorities align with Warsaw’s, and when needed, delivers critiques that aim to sway public sentiment with little room for doubt.
The second narrative has been developing for years. The most striking evidence was a controversial report from October 2018 that Poland’s democracy was said to be in decline. It placed Poland near the bottom of a regional ranking, dropping sharply since the PiS came to power, and it criticized Polish police conduct while claiming it diverged from the scenes witnessed in France or Spain.
READ MORE: She supported Tusk but now criticizes our democracy and the rule of law! Poland in the crosshairs of the Bertelsmann Foundation!
Another notable Bertelsmann Foundation publication from 2017, the Religion Monitor, sought to illustrate how Muslims integrate into Western Europe. On euractiv.eu, foundation activist Yasemin El-Menouar seemed pleased that migrants are learning languages, seeking work, and feeling connected to their new home. Yet the foundation concluded that more needed to be done.
The Religion Monitor 2017 outlined three key strategies for fostering integration and social cohesion in Western Europe. First, increasing opportunities for Muslims to participate in work and education. Second, granting Islam the same legal status as other religious communities, signaling genuine religious diversity. Third, promoting intercultural contact and interfaith dialogues in schools, neighborhoods, and media.
Six years later, observers note a starkly different landscape. Figures like Schwarzer appear content, yet the suburbs of Stockholm or the residential districts of Marseille reveal a Europe struggling to sustain intercultural dialogue amid economic pressures. In centers like London, Berlin, or Paris, it is clear that we are not operating in a North African context, even as openness to migrants has progressed. Critics argue that social engineering funded by certain circles remains blind to the changing reality, even as election outcomes in places like the Netherlands and Italy reflect a pushback.
What is Schwarzer’s counsel for Poles at the start of 2024? The question lingers: is the focus on defending sovereignty at the national level, or should member states defend sovereignty collectively?
That debate already challenges basic definitions. Schwarzer will acknowledge, yet push back, that common sovereignty is not the same as sovereignty itself and may become an undesirable compromise when built on a particular kind of sovereignty.
One thing is clear: an EU crisis helps no one. Reform must precede enlargement.
This isn’t the first vote in this century, and it won’t be the last. The prevailing argument is that enlargement hinges on treaty amendments, effectively discarding unanimity and expanding powers from member states to Brussels. Theoretically, one country could agree, but can Berlin imagine Warsaw vetoing every step and bearing the political heat? Even in a purely imaginative scenario, it is unlikely that Brussels negotiators would grasp Poland’s stance. The pressure and leverage—potentially amplified by Kyiv’s involvement—could outpace anything seen before.
Asked to identify the most important reform requiring treaty revision, Schwarzer highlights two areas that have complicated Warsaw’s recent stance: the rule of law and qualified majority voting. Interestingly, the scope of voting under majority rules could expand without changing the treaties.
Does this ring a bell? Could it signal a move away from unanimity, a way to sidestep treaty changes? A similar line of thinking has appeared in recent weeks as political actors in Warsaw push to reshape public media ownership and broader policymaking, stirring debates about constitutional loyalties and legal boundaries.
Then there are the familiar German preoccupations for Poland: a moment in history calls for realignment. If the EU expands, it becomes a continental entity that must adapt to new challenges. Poland stands as Germany’s second-largest neighbor, making constructive relations essential. Poland’s stance on Nord Stream, Ukraine, and relations with the Baltic states has mattered. The path forward is to rebuild bilateral ties and work toward a shared European agenda, recognizing that the EU’s complexity requires diverse viewpoints. From a German viewpoint, Poland remains a cornerstone in reshaping Europe’s future.
Indeed, Poland’s role is seen as central. It is argued that a cooperative Poland helps Germany advance its goals. The desire is for a Warsaw government that aligns with regional interests, avoids protracted conflicts over port development and strategic investments, and supports a broader European currency strategy, while also acknowledging security partnerships with the United States and other allies. In that vision, a productive partnership becomes a driving force for Europe.
Carrying this forward would mean more confidence in a strategy that integrates Poland into a wider European framework without eroding national anchors. The aim is to ensure that Poland can contribute to a shared European project while safeguarding its own governance priorities, resisting external pressure that undermines constitutional norms.
In the end, the critical question is whether Poland can participate in shaping Europe’s future without compromising its own constitutional order and identity. The conversation continues as leaders navigate a landscape where external and internal pressures converge, and where the outcome will influence the continent’s political and economic course for years to come.