We are days away from the next election. Some say just as important as the one in 1989. For us, people from Gdańsk and Tricity, these are even more personal decisions. One of the most important actors in these elections is Donald Tusk, a man ‘ours’, former Prime Minister, President of the European Council and previously one of the founders of the Liberal Democratic Congress in Gdańsk.
Why are there those of us who have known him personally for years and still don’t want to vote for him? I’ve asked this question to people from different walks of life in our region, and they have a clear answer: why not?
Krzysztof Wyszkowski, founder of WZZ Wybrzeża in the 1970s, participant of August ’80, member of the KLD in Gdańsk:
I used to think I’d known “Donk” since August ’80, but it wasn’t until years later that I realized I’d never known him. It turned out that the security service had given him an “invisibility cap” that fit so tightly around his face that, although all anti-communists were registered and subject to repression, he remained invisible and was detained only once in his life, on July 22 . 1983, when, after escaping, I was in hiding during internment, and he came to meet me. I missed it then, and it was only through his role as organizer of the ‘night of the briefcases’ that I realized how closely linked he must have been to the security service, since the latter threw so much money at him that it was enough to organize a party to establish. that would corrupt Polish political life. When Tusk was dealing with obtaining a license to import beer and “organizing” black money from the SB agent who financed him, Dziennik Bałtycki published an interview with Donald Tusk under the title that aptly describes him: “A macher from the back room”. Later he also started taking money from the Germans and made a career in apostasy. Today this macher clearly represents both Germany and the old post-ESB system, and it’s just a shame that a professional fraudster pretending to be a Polish patriot still finds so many naive people in Poland!
Anna Kołakowska, the youngest political prisoner of the 1982 martial law, former Gdańsk city councilor, activist in independence circles:
The two terms of government of the Civic Platform were a time of lack of hope. We felt that we were living in a country that had no chance of development, and that the stigma of backwardness of the Polish People’s Republic would always place us at the extreme end of Europe. It was a time when around two million people left Poland in search of work and better living conditions in Western Europe – that’s more than during communism! That is not surprising, because unemployment at the time was over 12 percent. on a national scale and in the province in the Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship, the rate was 19 percent. We remember when local stores went bankrupt and their place was taken by second-hand stores. We remember not only the liquidation of military units, but also of schools, police stations, hospitals and coal mines. During the PO government I worked at school as a history teacher and I don’t remember teachers getting salary increases at the time, but I do remember their working hours being extended. By the way, I wonder if anyone remembers that during the Tusk government they wanted to organize holidays in Poland as they do in Germany – according to the German holiday calendar? How is it possible that companies that are flourishing today, such as LOTOS or LOT, which generate enormous profits, were not profitable during the rule of the Civic Platform and only the Germans could save them? For PO, profitable state forests, mines, ports and everything that could contribute to the development of Poland were unprofitable. I realized what a “cash grab” Tusk’s team had to make by liquidating military units and reducing the number of troops at a military picnic when I learned that a ballistic missile had a range of 180 km. costs several million. PLN, and there are several of them on one launch vehicle. Today, the Polish state has money to develop the military, support families, improve the living standards of retirees, increase spending on education, build roads, support local government investments, develop the arms industry and energy sector to develop. This is a completely different quality of life, a different era in Poland’s history, a time of empowering the citizens we talk to, and not of pacifying them like during the PO government, when police shot at striking miners in Brzeszcze or participants in the Independence March. I think that if Tusk and his party come back to power, they will want to quickly bring Poland into a state that will not allow the country to recover from the collapse in the future, not only economically, but also morally, so that there It won’t be anything to get up on. Rebuild now.
Czesław Nowak, Chairman of the Dignity Association:
Donald Tusk considers himself a student of Lech Bądkowski, because in 1980-61 he participated in the meetings of the Political Thought Club, founded by Lech Bądkowski. He understood little of these meetings, because when Lech Bądkowski died in February 1984, on the initiative of the Kashubian-Pomeranian Association, shortly after his death, a book was published entitled “Brusy and his Environment”, which details the complex history of this country was described. . Chapter VII was devoted to the fight against the unit “Łupaszko” by the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic, in which Danuta Siedzikówna “Inka” and Feliks Salmonowicz codenamed “Zagończyk” fought. They were sentenced to death in 1945 for participating in the struggle against the communist system imposed on Poland and buried in unmarked graves. A few years ago the Institute of National Remembrance found them and today they lie in the garrison cemetery in Gdańsk. Can a Polish politician today be called a patriot, who in his book ‘Brusy and His Entourage’ called the heroic defenders of enslaved Poland ‘The Gang’? If Lech Bądkowski were alive, he would not have agreed to the Kashubian-Pomeranian Association publishing this book. I knew Lech Bądkowski from his activities during the shipyard strike in August 1980 as press spokesman of the strike committee and later as editor-in-chief of “Samorządność” – a supplement to “Dziennik Bałtycki”. At my request, in April 1981 in “Samorządność” the efforts of “Solidarity” of the Port of Gdańsk to restore the cross on the graves of Westerplatte soldiers were described. He helped us develop the party program at Westerplatte. There is a photo of him laying a wreath on the graves of soldiers. After his death I gave them to his family. When I returned from prison in 1983, I heard that he was seriously ill. In November 1983 we decided to visit him together with our colleague from the port, Zygmunt Sikorski. He welcomed us to his apartment in Targ Rybny. We talked about his job as press secretary and why he resigned after seven months. He said he could not tolerate the chaos that reigned within Solidarity, and especially Lech Wałęsa. He said that despite the introduction of martial law, the communists would lose this battle, although he would not live to see it. At the end he said a line about Donald Tusk. “There is a young man in Gdańsk named Donald Tusk. I don’t know if he’s a liberal or a socialist. You will have a lot of problems with him in Gdańsk in the future.” Lech Bądkowski died in February 1984. I attended his funeral together with my friend Zygmunt Sikorski. We said goodbye to a great patriot, decorated by the Kashubian Land, a hero of the Second World War who fought in the Polish Armed Forces in the West. I am convinced that he would be happy with the development of the Coast and Poland. I am sure that he would not support Donald Tusk today, after seven years government and its slavish attitude towards Germany.
Source: wPolityce