Personalized advertising and social networks gain a place among political propaganda

For this campaign, socialists say they “betted on more traditional advertising in the media and the outdoors”, but also “entered the world of advertising on social networks,” stressing that “by changing the channels through which they consume citizens.” , it was also necessary to change the advertising media». They detail that “it’s a change from last campaign” and that this year they are “putting more effort on digital channels, both informational and social networks”, leading them to “compartmentalize messages and increase presence on the medium”. network ».

Likewise, Valencian socialists explain that “in a complementary way, outdoor advertising is also contracted” and argue that “even as things change, being on the streets of the different municipalities of the Valencian Community remains essential”. They emphasize that they are “scrutinizing places and props to place the banners where they can be seen by potential voters.”

For both the regional and municipal elections of the 28M, the PP campaigns regularly on billboards, banners and mups of the fringes. The popular ones attach great importance to the information tents they set up at street level, where they distribute both their commercial products and the election propaganda leaflets. While the party stated that they started a “modest” campaign on the radio, their main innovation is in the work on social networks, as in other formations.

poles and banners

In an effort to stay alive, Ciudadanos chose a campaign with advertisements on buses, billboards and poles. Liberals also distribute flyers, posters and merchandise. While the election messages of oranges are recorded with advertisements and videos, programmatic advertising provides its most innovative support by adding the election messages to different areas allocated to it in the digital environment.

Among the most classical formats, Compromís has made posters with images of both the Generalitat candidate and list chairmen. New videos appear as days go by until you meet the surveys. Those following a more classic pattern were registered for Facebook, while those that were more groundbreaking and aimed at attracting a younger electorate were reserved for Instagram and TikTok.

The Valencians have incorporated new media, such as podcasts or some sort of television premiere, which they christened “En confiança”, and are invoking the claim of famous influencers representing one of the most innovative strategies worldwide. current election race. On social networks, they segmented their ads so that their messages could reach different formats and tones. As for distribution material, there is a lot of it, from diptychs to magazines that outline the program.

direct source

From Vox, they point out that their main tool for propaganda is social networks, as part of their rhetoric that the public can go straight to the source to learn their recommendations. The far-right establishment now has a larger budget than it did four years ago, allowing them to increase their presence in the media where they publish banners or articles. As always in this match, everything is run from Madrid, where they have a dedicated team dedicated to data analysis.

Presence on static billboards and poles is as important to Vox as advertising on LED screens. The far-right distribute their pamphlets and election programs to the public, and when asked about their most innovative bet, admit that they have innovated little beyond putting vans labeled in their characteristic green color into circulation.

One of the parties that expanded its strategy in terms of propaganda is the Unides Podem alliance. The purple ones got their economic resources through microcredits donated by their militants and supporters. In this sense, they point out that they have doubled compared to four years ago, and they believe this encourages them to break the 5% barrier and maintain their presence in the Valencian Parliament. Of course, giving up classical funding, its resources are limited compared to other formations and it requires an additional effort from its militants to distribute propaganda.

A significant part of its investment is devoted to the hanging of posters in places created for this purpose, with a general design for the entire Valencian Community, but also with differentiated models for each of the three constituencies. At Unides Podem, they place great emphasis on the distribution of propaganda by mail, but do not use other elements of street furniture such as billboards or lampposts. As for digital media, the purple ones have made a significant investment in advertising on social networks and web pages.

experts

Marta Martín, professor of Political Communication at the University of Alicante, misses out on bigger innovations for the parties. “Practically, the same formats have been preserved since the Transition,” she complains. Among the issues that have garnered the most attention in recent weeks is TikTok videos, which he describes as analog parties, PSPV and PP, where he finds differences among digital natives. “There is no groundbreaking aesthetic on billboards. The same message prototype has been maintained for years, with candidates at the forefront,” she said.

“They played it safe,” says communications doctor Diana Rubio. As Marta Martín points out, in the analysis of posters and billboard advertisements, the personalities of the candidates come to the fore, and the abbreviations and logos of the parties that are pushed into the background suffer. As for slogans, it lacks witty puns and doesn’t detect winks or hints of humor from the sides.

Regarding the electoral laws that parties run, Rubio thinks they are more structured than in previous years, both public meetings and meetings with more electoral weight. “What all formations try to do is look muscular. In such events, corporate colors have more weight than posters,” he adds.