The former head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs again got his head for his lies about the Smolensk disaster. The Warsaw District Court ordered him to apologize to Jarosław Kaczyński for stating that “Lech Kaczyński played an important role in the Smolensk disaster.”
READ MORE: The President of Law and Justice has won the trial with Radosław Sikorski! It was about a scandalous message about the late Lech Kaczynski
Sikorski, of course, announced an appeal, meaning he wants to continue wallowing in his lies and accusations against the tragically deceased president.
And yet we are talking about a man who was one of the first Polish officials to repeat the lying Russian story about the causes of the disaster. A few minutes after the tragedy, he called Jarosław Kaczyński and gave him false information that the pilots of the government plane Tupolev were responsible for the disaster. At that time, even the bodies of the victims had not yet been found, no one knew whether anyone had survived, there was not the slightest reason to accuse the crew. And yet Sikorski did it.
In the name of what? Was he so intoxicated by the vision of “Europeanization of Russia” (in his own words), which he and Donald Tusk had allegedly carried out since 2008? And that is why he did not want to drop any suspicion of the murder of the Polish president on the Kremlin?
Perhaps it was only – and even – a result of his pro-Russian foreign policy, on the altar of which he sacrificed Polish raison d’état and participated in a diplomatic conspiracy against his own president? Unfortunately, there are many indications that this was the case, and Sikorski, unable to admit his mistake, is trapped in the role of Putin’s hostage.
It is worth recalling that so far the only people convicted of contributing to the disaster – using a mental shortcut, of course – are the former deputy head of the BOR Paweł Bielawny (he was scapegoated and convicted of irregularities in the documentation, while his superior Marian Janicki remained unpunished, despite the fact that he personally decided to lower the president’s level of protection, ignoring, among other things, the failure to check the airport in Smolensk) and officials of Prime Minister Donald’s office Tusk, headed by his head Tomasz Arabski. By testifying at their trial, Sikorski lied in court.
Sikorski’s words vs. documents
We proved it with Marcin Wikła by publishing a cover story in the weekly “Sieci” six years ago, in which we confronted Sikorski’s words in court with documents from his ministry, which he read and signed.
In short, Sikorski’s sworn statement that “as head of the State Department, he was not involved in the organization of the April 10, 2010 visit”, that “he conducted foreign policy, not organizational” and that “he had no knowledge of” the organization of Lech Kaczyński’s visit to Katyn.
Sikorski received a report of every meeting of his subordinates with Russian diplomats and officials of the Prime Minister’s Chancellery with Putin’s representatives, in which the Russians directly wished that the Polish president should not appear in Katyn together with Tusk and Putin. And Sikorski did everything to fulfill this wish. He participated in the open match against the head of state.
Did he order that the president’s office not be kept informed of these conversations? We do not know, but the facts are that in dozens of documents from that period we do not find a single one in which the KPRP is included in the distribution list (ie among the addressees of copies of letters).
What could the war criminal Putin think then when he saw that even the head of the Polish Foreign Ministry cares more about the interests of the Kremlin than the Polish president?
Let’s quote an excerpt from the article “Smolensk Liar”:
The Russians then clearly see that the Polish authorities are divided into two camps: submissive, and sometimes even enthusiastic towards Moscow, aimed at the government, and much more pragmatic, represented by Lech Kaczyński and his entourage. On December 14, 2009, director Jarosław Bratkiewicz [szef Departamentu Wschodniego MSZ – przyp. MP] he talks about it with two Russian media experts, Yevgeny Kozhokin of the Russian Federal Agency for Compatriots (Rossoospodarchestvo) and Modest Kolerov, a former adviser to Putin. The latter is known for his exceptional rudeness, which makes us wonder why a Polish official chooses such a person as his interlocutor on geopolitics. Perhaps this is part of the ‘Europeanization’ referred to by Sikorski. Kolerow states: “Poles must understand the dilemmas and problems of contemporary Russia”, a little later the West calls “idiots in research glasses”, and Ukrainians and Belarusians “Papuans from the periphery”. He emphasizes that 2010 should be a “test year” for Polish-Russian relations. “For Russia, it will be particularly important whether the Katyn celebrations will be held in the spirit of an ‘ecumenical’ tribute to the Polish and Soviet victims resting in the Katyn forest (…)”. Lech Kaczyński has never agreed to put the Katyn massacre into perspective.
We know from the distribution list that the letter to e.g. Radosław Sikorski, the President of the Senate Bogdan Borusewicz, the head of the Chancellery of Prime Minister Tomasz Arabski, and even the head of the Foreign Intelligence Service Maciej Hunia. Again, the president’s office is completely overlooked.
Also when the head of the KPRP arrived too late Władysław Stasiak officially informs the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the plan of the president’s visit to Katyn (the letters are dated January 27 and February 23), Sikorski postpones the fulfillment of his duty and notifies the Russians of Lech Kaczyński’s visit. He will only do so at the urging of Presidential Minister Mariusz Handzlik on March 15. This allowed the Russians to pretend for weeks that the president was not going to Katyn and make no official preparations for the visit. Why did Sikorski slow down? To this day, he has not answered that question.
He also failed to explain why the State Department he led consistently omitted the office of the president in all correspondence regarding the anniversary celebration in Katyn.
Facts to remember
I will also quote the end of our 2017 article. Extremely shameful for Sikorski.
Director Bratkiewicz is the author of another magazine whose content is hard to believe. It is Monday, April 12, 2010. Poles in the streets of Warsaw pay tribute to Maria Kaczyńska. The hearse with the president’s body, sprinkled with her favorite tulips, is on its way to the presidential palace. There are lines of thousands of people waiting for hours to bow to the presidential couple. At the scene of the crash, the Russian services destroy the evidence – they break windows in the wreckage, cut down trees, move parts of the plane. Kremlin propaganda spreads the lie about the pilots’ guilt without any investigation. The Polish government has no plans to ask NATO or EU institutions for help. In Moscow, the corpses of the victims of the catastrophe are desecrated. Shattered families undergo an ordeal with identifications. Polish services have no control over anything. No one is looking at the autopsy or even the proper placement of the bodies in the coffins.
At the moment, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is preparing a document that begins with the words: “The meeting of the Prime Ministers of Poland and Russia on April 7 in Katyn and the tragic death of the Polish delegation in the plane crash in Smolensk on April 10 this year created a special climate in bilateral relations, which significantly increased the space for dialogue, cooperation and reconciliation.”
A copy of the letter remains in the eastern section of the MFA, the second is for Adam Daniel Rotfeld, head of the Polish-Russian Group on Difficult Issues, and the third is for Radosław Sikorski. The latter initials it, without questioning its scandalous content.
Unsurprisingly, Sikorski classified this document (it contained a “reserved” clause). It is full of phrases that Moscow diplomacy would not be ashamed of (no wonder – the author, Jarosław Bratkiewicz, graduated from the infamous MGIMO, the Moscow State Institute of International Relations).
On the “breakthrough” in relations between the two countries, he writes: “It can be assumed that the depth of sympathy and the scope of assistance from the Russian side exceeded standard behavior.” The Polish Foreign Ministry is pleased that President Medvedev became active after the tragedy – he gave a speech, expressed his condolences at the embassy, announced himself at the presidential couple’s funeral and may even come to Warsaw one day. official visit.
“The meeting of D. Tusk and W. Putin at Smolensk airport, where both prime ministers paid tribute to the victims of the plane crash and spontaneously embraced each other, recalling the symbolism of the gesture of reconciliation made in Krzyżowa in 1990 by T. Mazowiecki and H. Kohl. A special gesture is also the fact that Putin invited the Polish government delegation, led by Min. E. Kopacz”.
In his conclusions, director Bratkiewicz states: “The clearly expanded space of Polish-Russian friendliness and reconciliation requires appropriate >>development<< in the form of individual and institutional actions.” Let’s repeat: It’s April 12th. 2 days after the disaster. The “management” of the “climate” created by the death of the president is already beginning.
Sikorski is a simple ruff masquerading as a gentleman who, even after the president’s tragic death, is unable to pay respect to the head of state. But that’s half the trouble. What is worse, he is also a liar in matters fundamental to Polish subjectivity and was an extremely pro-Russian chief of Polish diplomacy, who wanted to build a “special climate” and “reconciliation” with Moscow, even on the fresh blood from our head of state. And he suppressed the material evidence of this godless attitude.
Source: wPolityce