Jaume Miquel published his book “La perestroika de Felipe VI” in 2015, which deals with the crisis of the political system advancing on horseback after the economic and financial crisis that started in 2008, and the crises that still frighten and confuse us and become unbearable. the lack of unemployment and the expectations of the large mass of citizens who are at the bottom of the social scale.
In short, Miquel distinguishes: perestroika —restructuring—and regeneration—regeneration—. In this 40-year democracy, polls have correctly assimilated the voters that the consensus of 78 was an agreement of the political and financial elites to expand their hegemony in a new framework. Thus, there is a crisis of representation as evidenced in the 15M mobilizations, which led to the birth of alternative parties that first appeared among the bipartisan leaves on the occasion of the 2014 European elections. “No, they represent us” is the slogan that explains the decline of flawed bipartisanship and the success of new parties such as Podemos, Ciudadanos or Vox.
In this climate of cyclical change, the abdication of Juan Carlos I also unfolds in his son Felipe VI (June 2014), who witnessed the great upheaval caused by the institutional failure of traditional powers over an accidental crisis. It has been bitterly taken over by the European Union and national governments who have no choice but to subject their citizens to shock treatment that will protect the interests of the European Union. establishment at the expense of an unjustified increase in inequality.
The right-left dichotomy loses momentum and is replaced by a different dichotomy between the post-Francoist powers—PSOE, PP, IU—and new political formations. The formations of the first category are determined to save, improve, reform and establish the 78 regime; New parties, on the other hand, prefer to cultivate the seed of innovation starting from scratch, whatever it takes to build a new system of representation and coexistence that abandons old prejudices and, incidentally, is openly declaring about the currently existing civil misunderstanding. the origin of everything.
However, on the last day of 2019, PSOE and United We Can reach a coalition agreement that will allow them to rule with other progressive support from the Lower House. And a government with the will to last emerges and must reconcile its aspirations as a first step: perestroikainnovation proponents who want to improve the existing and make a qualitative leap with no previous references and only focus on the future.
It is not easy to reconcile the two positions, but the commitment by both sides to patiently move towards agreement and the sharing of aspirations that do not always converge is reasonable. The BOE’s forthcoming Democratic Memory Act is a first attempt to transcend so-called post-Francoism to look at the past with a healthier, unbiased and resentment-free perspective. And it must be assumed that this end of the legislature, which will last until the end of 2023, unless unforeseen events occur, will be filled with legislative acts aimed at outlining, as Miquel puts it, a “new regime”: not in the “order” of 1978, but in the “system” of 1978. “. Particularly relevant would be the reform/cancellation of the Citizen Security Law, designed by the People’s Party to stop the mobilizations and changes promoted by alternative organisations. economic crisis. It seems obvious that the harshest features of a norm that intends not to expand freedom of expression but to cut and shackle it must disappear.
Other laws being enforced are those drafted by the Ministry of Official Secrets and Equality: yes only law yes, trans law, human trafficking law and abortion and family law… The first two are very advanced, the other two problematic along the way. In any case, the course taken looks correct: PSOE, perestroika and UP fuels innovation. The mix is positive.