If the Right succumbs to the temptation to revert to hooliganism in the opposition, it could reverse personalized hostility towards the Prime Minister.
The hardest exercise in journalism is to separate the personal vision of an event from its overall impact. For example, cheering up the dances of the Finn Sanna Marin without assessing their bleak collective impact on the bourgeois electorate. Writing in the first person should not be so welcome in the mass media, because it is the only truth. The abandonment of analytical will allows us to observe more clearly that the vote against Pedro Sánchez was a personal matter, not a political one.
The PP’s solution, as clever as it was haphazard, consisted of pitting an executive like Núñez Feijóo against a president fraught with radicalism and who, at his worst, had the same street hatred as his predecessors. The only problem was the calendar, because it would be difficult to keep the most rebellious sections of the right under control for a long year. Indeed, the period of conservative calm has ended, and a tension has spread that did not improve Sánchez’s prospects, but gave him the option to extend it.
In the current situation, if the right yields to the tendency to turn to hooliganism, it can reverse personal hostility towards the Prime Minister. Like a sphinx, Feijóo would provide the calming ointment after a phase filled with strong emotions. Nor was it taken to confirm that hysteria had switched sides, without needing to petrify. The Galician politician’s immediate success in the polls was not based on arousing more confidence than Sánchez, but on less distrust than his opponent.
The “son of a bitch” and “bastard” insults to Sánchez at the Hispanidad parade represent a turning point in the current ideological tension. As with Sanna Marin, the personal and societal vision of the titles poured into the Head of Government this month overlap. Freedom of expression is superimposed on the feeling that a temporary ruler is not mistreated, but a regime change is sought. Fear re-emerges among social classes watching reality from behind the scenes. Faced with this risk, the individual disappears and the threat to his dignity is noted. The corporate vote for Sánchez is emerging as an option for citizens of a fluid political gender. This voting right consists of forgetting who you are in order to vote for what you represent.
Only PP can lose elections with accredited extremism bias. Feijóo intervened in the Senate on Tuesday as if he had just arrived from the boos at the October 12 military parade. No one can teach another, so it was inevitable to see the right wing fall back on the nostalgic mistakes that eroded the PSOE. In the popular neighborhood, Vox’s delusion to save 36 is worse than a crime, it’s a mistake.
The extreme right’s greatest victory lies not in increasing the percentage of voters, but in reducing the proportion of people who would not vote for them under any circumstances. The phenomenon is worldwide and equates to the appeasement of the humanized Marine Le Pen as a being in love with the cats with whom it shares a home. Not to mention the relocation of the fascist Giorgia Meloni as a tenant of the centre-right. Even the honest Roberto Saviano expressed confidence that the prime minister was more Italian than far-right, more chaotic than ideological.
Suddenly, the lovable far-right regains its savage spirit in Spain, and therefore a minority. It mixes function with decoration. The left has been crushed by the rise of the far right, but it is even more surprising that extremists are unaware of the reasons for their power. Contrary to those who favor handing over control of current events to the current Bill Gates, undercurrents continue to define social evolution.
Faced with a Feijóo who is overwhelmed by the ghosts of the past, despite being aware of the risks of an emotional turnaround, Sánchez appears in kamikaze mode. He could not find the spring to reverse the painful situation he was in, but he did not give up. His enthusiasm is reignited every time the CIS presents a frenzied poll, as the establishment has not always decided whether it can drag the corporate vote of its people, courtesy of inflation. Activist Tezanos’ surveys are worth the same as placebo, but even in Medicine there are many disturbing examples of being treated with sugar pills. Spanish politics is on the border, not the worst case for Sánchez.