“The gust of hope created by the emergence of the Patriotic Movement for Conservation and Restoration (MPSR) bears witness to the disorder these brave people live in, they just want to find peace and tranquility.” These words, which were accurate in their call for a bright future, could have been said by any politician who had come to power with the support of the ballot box. But no votes were hidden behind them. The majority also do not support a population. Instead, Lieutenant Colonel Paul Henri Sandaogo Damiba, the chief leader of the coup that overthrew the Government of Burkina Faso on January 24 and has been the country’s new president since last February, had plans. This act was only confirmation that an authoritarian shadow was coming to Africa. New.
Because that of Burkina Faso is not the last overthrow on the continent. In less than two years, as many as seven countries have experienced at least one attempted coup – these have occurred in Mali (2), Chad, Guinea, Niger, Sudan, in addition to the one in Ouagadougou (the capital of Burkina Faso). (2) and Guinea-Bissau, the second in early February – and six of them were victorious. It has repeatedly caused even United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres to describe it as an “epidemic”.
Looking at the numbers and trends alone, its return can easily look back to the negative records of decades ago, where the coup d’état multiplied every five years in different parts of the continent. But the current reality is beyond numbers. Because, as David Soler, journalist and founder of the ‘Africa Mundi’ media outlet, explains, the first thing to understand is that the recent coups on the continent are “focused on a single region for a specific purpose. This is not a global thing for all of Africa.
Not in vain, in a vast region of 54 States with formally diverse characteristics and regimes, recent overthrows—or attempts to do so—have largely taken place in a very local context: instability and lack of power. Security derived from the actions and attacks of jihadist groups in or within the various countries of the Sahel region. “People were fed up with a similar situation between these countries, and the military took advantage of this social tension of the population, who accused governments of failing to do what was necessary to ensure security, to attack,” Soler explains. A few key factors take root.
Thus, against a background of, inter alia, the detrimental effects of climate change, corruption, the widespread looting of resources or the lack of efficiency in serving the population, the covid-19 epidemic and the restrictive measures taken with it – a new era is emerging with the restriction of rights and worsening of social conditions. negative blow.
A suitable “climate”
In many cases, in residential areas where there is already a weak institutional position, conflicts at Escola de, as peace and security researcher Josep Maria Royo explains, the coronavirus – added to other factors – only contributed. Cultura de Paz of the UAB and a member of the UAM’s African Studies Group to create “a climate in which military units declare themselves guarantors of peace, security and manageability” in contrast to the civilian Administrators they ousted. In this scenario, both Royo and Soler admit that they “feel more courageous” by not perceiving enough confrontation for the military’s actions, through its condemnation by the public as well as by regional and international actors.
The case of Burkina Faso, where the hope for democratic development that emerged after the victory of Roch Marc Christian Kabore in the 2015 elections was diluted by a growing protest against the ineffective fight against terrorism in the country, thus laying the groundwork for a new struggle. The uprising of the dissatisfied military sector was only the last sign of a problem that had occurred months ago, for example, in neighboring Mali.
Although this trend of loss of faith in the Government, coupled with limitations on rights and freedoms – even with changes made to Magna Carta by its leaders to stay in power, as in Guinea with deposed president Alpha Condé – forged several years before different coups.
international shortage
According to data from the Freedom House Global Freedom Index, between 2016 and 2021, these social guarantees lost three and seven points out of 100, respectively, in Chad or Guinea, while the decline accelerated in Burkina Faso and Mali. ten and thirteen points respectively. A significant change amid growing instability.
However, despite all this, the background of the recent coups cannot be understood only from the point of view of the state, but is also related to the dynamics carried out by the international community in the region. At a time when there is an increasing presence of other powers, such as China or Russia, which faces emergencies such as overthrow and has strengthened its position in Mali in recent months, for example, through Wagner Group mercenaries, Josep Maria Royo The EU, the United Nations, or France – due to a metropolitan background – has a certain position in the region. reaffirms that the “multidimensional” perspective (political, economic, social, military…) with weight overtakes the Second, the commitment to socioeconomic development or the strength of local government. He argues this is because his results are “more in the long run” appreciated.
Therefore, the researcher from the School for the Culture of Peace emphasizes, “security and militaristic intervention have been prioritized, leading to increased insecurity and violence, and an increase in the intervention actions of jihadist groups in the region in an action-reaction cycle». “As always, the results pay off. civilian population,” he adds.
The sentence is not always pronounced
On the one hand, the duality of the positions developed by the international community regarding these overthrows is added. In some cases, such as Mali, Guinea or Burkina Faso, the condemnation was unanimously adopted by Western countries and organizations, as well as regional organizations such as the African Union (AU) or the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas). for its English acronym), others – such as in Chad, where his son and general Mahamat Idriss Déby, who fought the country’s rebels after his death by force, seized power by force – was not only disapproved, but by countries like France in its quest for more stability for the country. approved.
On the other hand, in cases with convictions, the reality is that the sanctions imposed by the IA or Ecowas – such as the suspension of participation in their activities or the economic punishment of some of these States – have not been applied. has yet to show full effectiveness. As David Soler explains, these formations, which do not have the capacity to meet the overthrow with permanent troops, seek this with sanctions to not go any further in Mali or Guinea and the consequent worsening of their economy, “people get tired, ask this. the army leaves and their makes him less in power”.
However, in order for them to be successful, they must be executed together and must be particularly “robust”. Royo said, “If an arms embargo is established in a country, it cannot be violated the next day,” as an example, Royo emphasized that the international community should look at “medium and long term” and “help these countries”. and their populations, despite the difficulties, force less credibility into these changes.” In this crucial part of the continent, democracy is at stake.
Source: Informacion
