Miquel Ramos: “Ultras want workers to fight among themselves for resources”

Miquel Ramos (València, 1979) is a journalist specializing in working on social movements such as the far right and hate speech and crimes and those emerging to deal with the above-mentioned phenomena. Author of articles in different collective books on the situation of human rights and vulnerable groups such as immigrants or LGTBI people, among others, collaborates in different media. Published this year antifascists. This is how the far right has fought since the 90s (edited by Capitán Swing), a few days ago in Alcoy the Valencian version was presented at Antifeixistes. Així es va battlere l’extrema dreta des dels ans 90.

In the book, he points out that after Franco’s death, the far right first thinned out, but resurfaced a few years later. What happened?

During the dictatorship and transition period, there was a far right closely linked to the Franco regime that disappeared once the democratic system was consolidated. But starting in the 1980s, a new far-right began to emerge, more similar to what already existed in Europe. skinheads and in many cases the ultras of football clubs.

Why this bunker in football clubs?

Because it was a place where they were tolerated without problems. The Ultras didn’t hide there, rather the clubs let them be there. And they; In 2022, there are still ultras on football fields, even though it was in the 1990s when they had a big boom.

How was that explosion reflected in that period?

These were the years when Lucrecia Pérez (1992), Guillem Agulló (1993), Sonia Rescalvo (a transgender woman beaten to death in Barcelona in 1991) or Aitor Zabaleta (a Real Sociedad supporter was stabbed to death in Madrid in 1998). one way or another, the ultra football world existed. They were the ones who suffered the violence in that decade, and their visibility caused many to approach them.

Football clubs let the ultras be there. And they; Still in the fields in 2022

And why didn’t the authorities fight the rise of this phenomenon?

They did not pose any problems for the status quo. They attacked not the privileged, but the most disadvantaged or vulnerable, or those who were easy targets at any given time. When the anti-fascist movements started to respond, something started to be done, but this was brought up as a public order problem like gang fights.

He put forward the murder of Lucrecia Pérez, whose 30th anniversary has just passed and shaken many consciences, as the starting point of the social struggle against hate crimes. Do you really think it was?

Yes, that crime awakened many consciences and shed light on the problem of racism and its consequences. The problem is that after the turmoil of the first minutes, nothing was done, it was not brought up as a political issue. What happened in the case of Aitor Zabaleta was that it was scaled down; The focus was on football as if it were a fight between fans, when it wasn’t, there was an ultra group going “hunting” behind it. And while nothing was done, these groups turned into political movements.

He described the approach of the subject as a public order problem like fights between gangs. To what extent do you think this obscures the real fact?

A related story that always favors the attacker. How will defending human rights be the same as attacking them? That’s why the far right is where it is right now. Its purpose is to contaminate common sense, to make people believe that it is all to blame for those who are worse off than themselves. In the 1930s, it was this vision of egalitarianism that led to the Holocaust in Germany.

A moment from the presentation of Miquel Ramos’ book at Alcoy. LUCIO ABAD


What happens when those far-right parties reach the institutions?

They use verbal violence, not physical violence, which causes great suffering to many people. They themselves do not cause physical harm, but they signal and incite hatred and, if they have the capacity to make laws, pose a danger to democracy as their aim is to abolish human rights. And doing so is not something that can be discussed. However, the political class accepted the entry of these parties into the institutions and perceived it as a normal thing even though it was not.

Is hate speech the beginning of a hate crime?

Of course. Hate speech causes hate crimes, and there are many people who fuel it: racists, homophobes and sexists, but those who don’t dress like skinheads and go ostensibly unnoticed. They show that the fault is not always the system or the inequality, but rather those who have less than you. This is purely social Darwinism.

The crime of Lucrecia Pérez shed light on the problem of racism and its consequences, but after the shock of the first moments, nothing was done.

And how do you think institutions should act in the face of this?

The problem is, it’s too convenient for the right to maintain the status quo. There is no danger to them, but the story is spreading that the working class must fight each other for resources. I do not expect anything from institutions; Their job is to ensure that human rights are guaranteed, but even now we have a left-wing government, this has not been done. What can I expect from the Ministry of Interior after what happened at the Melilla border fence this year?

Source: Informacion

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